The general situation in the revolution at present is very complicated. An analysis of the developments in the imitational arena shows that there are serious problems concerning the destiny not only of our revolution but also of the world revolution. 
The Korean communists who are working towards the fu1filment of the revolutionary cause of Juche initiated by the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung must adhere to the revolutionary stand of the working class with a correct understanding of the Present situation, and bring about a new advance in the revolution. This is their historic task. 
In order to assess the present revolutionary situation correctly and maintain a revolutionary stand, we must, above all else, have a proper understanding of the real features of contemporary imperialism and its fate. 
World imperialism was hard hit in the Second World War. The vanquished countries, such as fascist Germany, Japan and Italy, suffered fatal blows, and the capitalist powers, including Britain and France, that belonged to the Allies also suffered no less a loss than the vanquished countries. In short, capitalism was significantly weakened as a result of the second word war. 
However, US imperialism alone made a colossal profit from the war and thus rapidly became bloated. The industry of the United States was not damaged during the war, but instead its industrial output more than doubled. During the war the United States expanded its munitions industry on a large scale and acted as a supplier of weapons and other war materials to the Allies and also made enormous profits by selling surplus goods at high prices. Talking advantage of the war, it became the greatest creditor nation in the world. 
In this way US imperialism came to occupy a dominant position in the capitalist word economically and militarily, and this, was an important factor in the process of change in the capitalist world following the Second World War. 
After the war the US monopoly capitalists were confronted with a vital problem: how to maintain there colossal munitions industry, and what to do with their tremendous amount of samples capital. 
The US imperialists clamored about a "communist threat in order to provide an excuse for continuing to expand their munitions industry, adopted the policy of a cold war that was directed against the socialist countries and increased international tension, under the pretext of protecting the "free world". This was essentially the "Truman Doctrine". Meanwhile, in other to avoid an economic crisis and dispose of their surplus capital, they carried out the policy of gaining hold of the economies of the major cephalic countries in Europe by means of capital important in the name of "aiding" their economic recovery from the ravages of war. This was what they cal1ed the "Marshall Plan". 
In this way US imperialism acquired a firm grip on the capitalist world minimally and controlled it economically, while clinging more and more to an aggressive policy in order to check the growing socialist forces and materialize its ambition for word conquest. 
Drawing on developed technology and superior economic strength the monopoly capital of the United States intensified its inroads into other countries and established multinational companies by setting up daughter companies in various countries. In the l960s many multinational companies based in the other developed capitalist countries also appeared. Thus the antinationalisation of capital was accelerated and the economies of the capitalist world were brought under the domination of the multinational companies of the US and other developed capitalist countries. 
With the rapid antinationalisation of capital draught multinational companies, new changes took place in the metal relations between capitalist countries. 
Before the second word war the capitalist powers engaged in fierce competition to seize continuity maw and spheres of influence, and dries led to destructive armed clashes and wars. It can be said that both the first and second world wars were the results of the stoning contradictors and antagonism between the capitalist powers. As the internationalization of capital progressed after the Second World War, however, the capitalist powers depended on and collaborated with each other economically and technically. Previously they had expanded great energies on competing with and defeating each other, but from that time onwards, they joined hands to oppose socialism and intensify capitalist exploitation and plunder. It might be said that the greatest change in the capitalist word since the second word war has been that the capitalist powers have gone over from dog-eat-dog relations to those of alignment and cooperation. Of course, this does not mean that no contradiction exists between the capitalist powers, but now this is of secondly importance and liniment is the basis of their relations. During the 40 years since the end of the second word war there have been more than l70 wars, major and minor, but none of them has been fought between capitalist powers themselves; rather their military alignment has been strengthened through military blocs. 
As a result of capital being internationalized and of world imperialism having realigned itself, centering on US imperialism, capitalism has survived its imminent doom and made rapid economic and technical progress. 
Since the end of the second world war the imperialists have not only aligned themselves with each other politically, economically and militarily, but also evolved more cunning techniques of domination and crafty methods of plunder. This is also an important feature of contemporary imperialism. 
The imperialists could not help being extremely alarmed at the rapidly growing socialist forces and the upsurge of the working-class movement and national-liberation movement in the colonies. That is why they have devised new and more cunning techniques of ru1ing and crafty methods of plundering to weaken the influence of socialism and appease the working-class movement and national-liberation movement in the colonies. 
The imperialists were keenly aware of the fact that they would not be able to maintain the capitalist system unless the working-class movement in their own countries was undermined, so they brought up large numbers of labor aristocrats, while striving to conceal capitalist exploitation and to subdue the resistance of the working masses through unemployment and poverty. 
The imperialists also had to change the method of plundering their colonies. Imperialism has always existed by exploiting and plundering colonies. As a result of the second word war, the nahonal-1iberation movement gained unprecedented momentum and the colonial system crumbled. This was a fatal blow to imperialism. The imperialists resorted to the crafty method of neocolonialism to regain their lost colonies. Unlike in the past when they had ruled and plundered their colonies by means of overt coercion, they now nominally recognized the sovereignty of the newly independent countries and developing nations and offered them so-called "aid". In this way they subjugated these countries optically and economically, exploiting and plundering them. 
Neocolonialism became a means for the imperialists easily to infiltrate the developing countries. In former days the imperialist powers scrambled fiercely for colonies, but since beginning to rely on neocolonialism they have conspired together to penetrate the developing countries and pacify the resistance of their peoples using "aid", in particular, as bait. In this way they were able to seize commodity markets and raw material resources without difficulty. 
With capitalist countries acting in collusion economically and technically and acquiring large markets and raw material resources in the developing countries, the level of socialization of production rose markedly, and production and technology developed quickly in the capitalist world. 
These changes in the capitalist world offered the advocates of imperialism grounds for the argument that the basic contradiction of capitalism had been resolved and that capitalism was no longer moribund capitalism, but growing and prospering capitalism. 
However, the basic contradiction of capitalism has never been settled, nor has the predatory nature of imperialism ever changed. 
Capital cannot be anything but capital however international it becomes. The multinational company is nothing but a mod of existence for major monopolies; it intensifies capitalist exploitation and guarantees imperialist domination, on a world scale. A change, if any, has taken place in the method of capitalist exploitation and plunder in that it has become much more sly, and in the range of capitalist contradiction in that it has extended on an international level beyond the bounds of individual countries. Formerly, capitalist exploitation caused the phenomenon of "the rich getting ever richer and the poor getting ever poorer" to prevail within individual capitalist bounties, but nowadays this phenomenon is getting worse on a global scale with the world being divided into rich capitalist countries and poor developing countries. 
Today the contradictions of the capitalist world have been exacerbated shall further, and imperialism finds itself in serious political and economic trouble. 
Because of neocolonialist exploitation and plunder by imperialists, atonal industries in the developing countries have further deteriorated, the people of these countries have become poorer and their foreign debts have increased as the days go by. In the developing countries the purchasing power for capitalist communalities has declined and their ability to pay foreign debts has diminished. This cannot but be a blow to the imperialist powers, which have grown fat at the cost of the developing countries. 
The development of capitalism presupposes the expansion of markets. But as the developing countries have reached the point where they can no longer serve as commodity markets and areas of capital investment, the imperialists have found it difficult to sell their surp1us goods there and have had to reduce their loans to them gradually. This has not only placed the developing countries in a more difficult economic situation but also compelled the developed capitalist countries to limit their production. The developed countries are now fighting among themselves to make each other restrict production. 
Since in capitalist countries technology continues to develop, where as production has to be limited, it has become impossible to prevent the growth of unemployment and inflation. In the major capitalist countries of Europe the rate of unemployment has now reached l2-l3 percent and the inflation crisis is sweeping the capitalist word. 
The crisis of capitalism finds clear expression in the fact that the position of the United States, the ringleader of world imperialism, is becoming more and more difficult. 
The United States is in this difficult position because it is not only sharing the same crisis as the capitalist powers, but has also been gradually losing its leading position in the capitalist word. As their economic diminution is being weakened as a result of the economic progress of the European capitalist countries and Japan, the US imperialists are basing their economy more and more on armaments in order to maintain their domination over the capitalist world and allow the large munitions monopolies to make profits. As a result, the deficit in their state budget has become enormous, and their foreign debts have swollen so that the United States, which was once the greatest creditor county in the word, has, now, become the largest debtor nation. 
Since in the United States the armaments monopolies are trying to make greater profits by ceaselessly expanding the munitions industry, the process of basing the economy on armaments cannot be halted. The United States has attended the negotiations on nuclear arms reduction, but in no way does this mean that its monopolies have abandoned their desire to expand the munitions industry. The American armaments monopolies may not regard the reduction of those nuclear weapons, which have already been manufactured and sold as affecting their interests directly, but on no account will they tolerate any reduction or banning of nuclear arms production. That is why the United States, while negotiating for nuclear arms rendition, continues to push forward the adventurous "Star Wars", which is said to cost thousands of billions of dollars. It can never free itself from the heavy burden of its ever-growing military expenditure, and its budget deficit and foreign debts will increase further. In the long run, this will lead its economy into bottomless mire. 
The most effective way for the imperialists to overcome their political and economic crises is to abolish the outdated international economic order of exploiting and plundering the developing nations in a neocolonial way and establish a new, equitable one so that these countries can make economic and technological progress. 
It is only when the economies of the developing nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America, where there are enormous natural and manpower resources, develop that the problem of markets for the deve1oped capitalist countries can be solved. In this way alone will the developed capitalist nations survive? However, the imperialists are taking the path of self-destruction by clinging to their neocolonial exploitation and plunder because of their exploiting nature, instead of cacophony the developing nations' demand for a new international economic order. 
The contradictions and antagonism between the imperialist powers will be further exacerbated in the future. Though the imperialist powers are now collaborating with each other in an attempt to maintain their position of monopo1y, there is no doubt that their interests will conflict with each other and that the contradictions between them will become aggravated as their markets grow narrower and the way to the growth of capital and of melding money reaches a dead end. It is only natural for hungry wolves to bite each other. 
Contemporary imperialism has also a serious inner contradiction because of which it cannot escape its doom. 
Outwardly, the developed countries seem to be prospering, but inwardly they are roiling due to ever-worsening contradictions. 
As the marketing channels are clogged to a greater extent, capitalists are moving towards deforming the material life of people by creating an artificial inhuman demand. They are manufacturing a variety of things to stimulate extravagance, corruption and dissipation and to paralyze the human body and mind, with the result that the number of drug addicts, a1coholics, as well as degenerates pursuing abnormal desires, is growing rapidly and people are becoming mentally and physically deformed. Even the defenders of the bourgeoisie are lamenting and calling this phenomenon an incurable disease of modern capitalism. 
The capitalists are frenziedly spreading reactionary and anti-popular ideas and culture, as well as the decadent bourgeois way of life, in order to paralyze the working masses' consciousness of independence and to make people subnet to the capitalist exploiting system. In capitalist countries all manner of reactionary ideology and superstition which, like a narcotic, numb the sound mind of the people and make them ignorant, are widespread. The way of life in which the weak fall prey to the strong is fostered and, as a result, such social evils as inimicality and depravity, murder and robbery are roman and people are trembling with fear and apprehension. Thus, in capitalist society the mental life of the people becomes all the more intolerable with the increase in material wealth. 
With a view to maintaining its privileged position, which is being endangered with the passage of time, the capitalist c1ass is rezoning to crafty schemes to placate, deceive and bribe the masses while melding its reactionary ruling machine fascist and furthering its policy of aggression and war. 
A decadent material life, a poor mental and cultural life and a reactionary political life-these can be said to be the main characteristic of capitalist society, and they show the anti-poplar nature and corruption of modem imperialism. 
People not only want to be Physically healthy and developed while enjoying a prosperous material life, but also desire to develop mentally and culturally while leading a rich mental life. In addition, they want to live and develop with inamorato socio-police insight by joining with each other as equal masters of society. We can say that this is the inherent desire of a man as a social being. 
In order to develop social life to meet this desire, it is necessary to promote the mental, cultural and police life of the people in step with the enrichment of their material life. However, capitalists do not lilies to spend money on enriching the mental and cultural life of people because they want people to become the slaves of a commit material life and of money. On the contrary, they waste a large sum on restricting the mental and cultural development of the working People. Worse still, capitalists try to restrain the development of the working people's political life as far as possible because enhancing their political position and role endangers their political rule. In capitalist society people are becoming more and more the slaves of money and property and their political integrity is being repressed. 
In capitalist society it is not possible to eliminate inequality in material wealth, nor is it possible to remove the imbalance between the improving material life and the deteriorating mental and cultural life, and between the popular masses' growing desire for independence and their worsening political life. In order to eliminate this inequality and imbalance and achieve harmonious development in all the material, mental and cultural and political aspects of life of the working masses, one must follow the path of socialism. However because of their class nature, the imperialists are not only unwilling to break with capitalism but also getting mere and more reactionary, contrary to man's inherent desire for independence. 
As inequality and imbalance, as well as the reactionary nature and anti-popular character of imperialism, are now growing in capitalist society, the contradiction between the masses of the people, who desire to live and develop independently, and the capitalist class is becoming more serious, and capitalism is Precipitating itself into ruin. 
Contemporary imperialism is in a dilemma internally and externally, and is mating frantic efforts to free itself from the daily aggravating, catastrophic crisis. 
The US imperialists and the international reactionaries are concentrating the spearhead of their attack on the socialist countries, which are the bulwark of peace and progress, and are brazenly attempting to stamp out the struggle of the progressive people of the world who desire independence. As the leader has said, the imperialists are now dancing around wielding a nuclear weapon in one hand and a purse in the other. The schemes of the imperialists are becoming ever more vicious and crafty as they try to bring the people of the socialist countries and other progressive people throughout the world to their knees by threatening and blackmailing them militarily, bribing and subordinating them economically and disrupting them ideologically and culturally. 
Whenever imperialism faces a crisis, its reactionary and aggressive nature increases and it makes desperate efforts to maintain its existence. The frenzied efforts of the imperialists are not an expression of their strength; they reveal their vulnerability. The more reactionary the imperialists become and the more frenzied are the efforts they make, the more the people will be awakened to revolutionary awareness, and the day of the collapse of imperialism will draw nearer. 
It is an indisputable fact that the end of contemporary imperialism is nigh, and it is historically inevitable that imperialism will perish and socialism triumph. 
However, imperialism will not fall of its own accord. It can be defeated only by the revolutionary struggle of the working masses led by the working class. 
Building up the subject of the revolution is decisive in destroying imperialism and winning victory in the revolution. In particular, it is important to strengthen the working-class party, the vanguard detachment of the revolution, and to enhance its role. 
If we are to strengthen the revolutionary forces we must comedy analyze and appraise the changes that have taken place in social and class composition. 
Since the end of the Second World War social and class composition in the capitalist countries has undergone a great change. As the mechanization and automation of production has been promoted with the advance of technology in the developed capitalist countries, so the number of people who engage in physical labour has been considerably reduced, whereas the number of those who do technical and mental labour has increased rapidly and they have become the overwhelming majority of the working people. 
It is a law that as society progresses, so the technical and cultural standard of the workers improves and the number of intellectuals increases. 
Certainly, it is true that the rapid growth in the number of intellectuals greatly influences the working people towards petit bourgeois ideology. Particularly in a capitalist society where systematic revolutionary education is impossible, it is unavoidable that many intellectuals are tainted with bourgeois and petit bourgeois ideas. Therefore, it is difficult to win them over to the revolution. But we cannot say that the change in social and class composition has weakened this social and class basis of the Communist and Workers' Parties or created unfavorable conditions for the socialist revolution. Neither the working people engaged in technical labour nor those in mental labour are owners of the means of production. There are some differences between them and Physical laborers in their technical and cultural levels and in their working conditions, but there is an essential community between them in that they are all employed and paid by capitalists. 
Today the number of working people-the conventional working masses plus the newly emerged technical and mental laborers-employed by the capitalists accounts for 80 to 90 per cent of the working populations in the developed capitalist countries. This shows that the social all class basis of the Communist and Workers' Parties has, far from being weakened, actually been strengthened. 
The point at issue is how the Communist and Workers' Parties should conduct political work to make the broad working masses revolutionary and win them over, to suit the change in social and class composition. 
The working masses do not take part in the revolution spontaneously. Even the working class can work for the revolution only when they have acquired class awareness. 
Awakening the working class and other working masses to revolutionary consciousness is all the more urgent at the moment. The working class of today cannot simply be indemnified with the proletariat of the past. Needless to say, the working class in socialist society is not Proletarian, but even the working class in the developed capitalist countries is also different from the proletariat who, according to the classics of the previous age, had nothing to lose but their chains. Property status is not the only factor that prompts a man to take up the revolutionary cause. 
We should not say that a man is impelled to revolution only by hunger and poverty. An independent man's basic desire is to be the master of his own destiny, the master of the state and society. As the leader has said, there will always be resistance where independence is trampled upon, and a revolutionary struggle where there is resistance. 
The intellectuals in our country before it was liberated from Japanese imperialist rule received better treatment than the ordinary workers and were comparatively well to do. However, their attitude towards imperialism was revolutionary because they suffered national discrimination as colonial intellectuals. 
Even though the standard of living of the technical and mental workers in the developed capitalist countries has risen, they are ill disposed towards the capitalist system and desire an independent life, free from the rule of capital, because they shall suffer capitalist exploitation and oppression. Their desire for an independent life means that they aspire to socialism. As a matter of fact, most of the intellectuals in capitalist countries sympathized with socialism at one time. Their failure to continue to fight for socialism was due to lack of proper ideological education and leadership rather than to limitations to their social and class positions. 
The party of the working class is always the principal factor in making the working masses revolutionary and winning them over. Unless the party is strengthened ideologically and organizationally and party work methods improved to accord with the actual situation, it is impossible to lead the masses to become class-conscious and organized, unite them behind the party and strengthen the revolutionary frees. Expecting success in the revolution without giving precedence to the work of building up the subject of the revolution by strengthening the party and rallying the masses behind it, would be as stupid as wishing to gather fruit without tending a tree. 
If it is to be strengthened, the party must, above all else, develop itself on the principle of guaranteeing its monolithic ideology and leadership and acquire a new guiding ideology and theory that enables it to strike its roots deep among the broad masses, including the intellectuals, and lead them to revolution. The revolutionary theory is not a dogma, but a guide to action. The party must develop its revolutionary theory and improve its work method steadily to suit the changes in the situation, based on the principle of the independent position and decisive role of the popular masses. This is the way to make the broad sections of the masses revolutionary, win them over and lead the revolution to make a new upsurge. 
We must have a clear understanding of the true nature of modern imperialism, which is blustering and making desperate efforts before its doom, and must hold the conviction that its downfall is inevitable. Only then can we maintain an unshakable revolutionary stand with a firm confidence in and optimism about victory in the revolution. 
In order to assess today's revolutionary situation accurately and adhere to the revolutionary stand, it is essential to have a clear understanding of the superiority of socialism and its inevitable triumph. 
We must see historical development since the Second World War as the history of victorious socialism. 
The defeat of fascist Germany and Japanese imperialism and the victory of the Soviet Union in the second word war meant the great victory of socialism and dealt a fatal blow to imperialism. 
As a result of this war, many new socialist countries emerged in Europe and Asia, and socialism has developed to become a worldwide system. Today many countries of Asia, Europe, Latin America and Africa are advancing towards socialism. The magnetism of socialism has grown stronger than ever, and socialism has become a beacon of hope for the progressive people throughout the world. 
Of course, the development of socialism has not been smooth. The birth of the new and its victory are always attended by difficulties. 
Socialist countries had to overcome a series of difficulties because they were beating an untrodden path. 
The transition from capitalism to socialism is the most deep going social transformation in the history of mankind. Socialism has to pave the way for its own development through an arduous and protracted struggle to sweep away all the rubbish that has been accumulated over thousands of years. In particular, because imperialism remains in the world, the struggle for the victory of socialism involves a fierce and complicated struggle against the enemies at home and abroad. 
Originally, the socialist countries took over backward economies and technology, but they were unable to concentrate their efforts on economic construction from the first. The working class, which had taken power, was face with the urgent task of affecting a thoroughgoing social change-the abolition of the old exploiting system and the establishment of a new socialist system-and of safeguarding the revolution against a counterrevolution. For instance, the Soviet Union, the first socialist country, had to wage a difficult and complicated struggle, in capitalist encirclement, to ensure the victory of the socialist system and shortly afterwards, shouldered a heavy burden in the Second World War. In the postwar period, too, the Soviet Union had to put great efforts into defense construction to safeguard socialism against the cold war policy of the imperialists. The people of socialist countries had to build socialism and defend the revolution while countering the military threat and economic blockade of the imperialists, and, at the same time, make great efforts to support the revolutionary movement in the word and the struggle of the progressive people of the word to build a new society. 
Considering these factors, we can say that the successes achieved by socialist countries in economic construction are tremendous, not to mention the achievements in the political, ideological and cultural fields. In a period of a little over half a century, since the first socialist country emerged, socialist countries have made greater economic, scientific and technological progress than capitalist countries have done in hundreds of years. In addition they have laid solid foundations for progressing even more rapidly in the future. 
Historical experience has already proved unequivocally that socialism is superior beyond compare to capitalism and has unconquerable vitality. 
There is a great gulf between life under socialism, where the masses of the people equally enjoy independent and creative activities to the full as masters of the state and society, and that under capitalism, where people become the slaves of money and seek only their own pleasure. A man whose mind has been paralyzed by capitalist ideology cannot see the difference. 
It is obvious, when socialism strikes root deeper in the future and the remnants of the old society have been eradicated and so the political and ideological unity and the creative power of the people become stronger, that the socialist system will demonstrate its advantages more clearly and that in the near future socialist countries will outstrip the developed capitalist countries by far even economically and technologically. 
Of course, we cannot say that so far socialist countries have brought the superiority of the socialist system fully into play. 
Frankly speaking, they have deviated sometimes to the might and sometimes to the "Left' in managing the new social system. Deviations occurred in the process of establishing the socialist system, but in particular, grave mistakes were made in finding answers to new problems as to how the revolution and construction should be promoted after the establishment of the socialist system. A series of serious deviations were also made in dealing with the mutual relations between the socialist countries, which carry on the revolution, and construction in different historic conditions. All this has tarnished the image of socialism. 
These deviations have nothing to do with the intrinsic nature of the socialist system. They are due totally to the fact that those who administer the socialist system are not experienced and fully prepared politically and ideologically. 
The struggle between socialism and capitalism is the struggle between the new and the old. That the new emerges victorious and the old perishes is an immutable law of historical development. This law will never change, though the victory of the new may be attained only after experiencing twists and turns. 
The development of the history of mankind is the process of realizing independence for the masses of the people, the subject of history. A new thing is that which contributes to realizing independence for the masses in the course of historical development; an old thing is that which, on the contrary, restrains the realization of independence for the masses. Capitalism was a new system compared with feudalism when it abolished the feudal caste system and realized bourgeois freedom and equality. However, it became an old one which ran counter to the development of history by trampling upon the masses' desire for independence, the desire to become ful1y-fledged masters of society, free from not only feudal fetters but also capitalist exploitation and oppression. Just as there can be no capitalist who does not seek profits, so there can be no capitalism that does not exploit and oppress the working masses. 
The path of socialism is the only way to satisfy the desire of the masses to become real masters of the state and society, free from exploitation and oppression. Capitalism, no matter how it may be beautified and embellished, cannot throw off its old form of the exploiting society. It is only in socialist society that the popular masses can hold the position of complete masters in all fields of politics, the economy and culture and play their role as masters. Socialist society is the new society, which conforms to the independent character of the masses and the requirements of social development. 
The old may disguise it as the new and the dying may temporarily seem to be reviving. However, the old has no future because it is perishing. Revolutionaries must not be misled by passing phenomena but clearly distinguish the new from the old; they must fight for the victory of socialism to the end, convinced that the new will, without fail, emerge victorious. 
If we are to adhere to the revolutionary stand of the working class and follow the path of socialism to the very end, we must enhance the leadership role of the party to meet the requirements of the development of socialist society in the given period. 
As socialist construction makes headway in socialist countries, so the material and cultural standard of living of the working class and the working masses rises, their cultural and technical qualifications eerily improve and the number of intellectuals grows considerably. As socialism approaches the higher phase of communism, the differences between physical and mental labor diminish and the whole of society becomes intellectual. This accords with the law of social progress. This, however, does not mean that the working-class character of socialist society changes. The process of change and development in socialist society is a process in which class distinctions disappear gradually and the whole of society becomes working-class. In socialist society intellectuals can be regarded as the working class, which engages in mental labor. As socialist society makes progress, so the working-class character of this society is not weakened but, on the contrary, it is strengthened still further. 
Socialist society is a society, which meets the inherent desire of the working class, and this desire is that all the people be provided with full independence by opposing selfishness and on the basis of collectivism. This desire of the working class agrees with the common human aspiration to independence. 
Because socialist society is a society, which meets the inherent dasher of the working class, socialism and communism, can be built only under the leadership of the party, which is the vanguard detachment of these class. The further the building of socialism and communism proceeds; the more the leadership of the party should be strengthened, instead of being weakened. Without the party's leader ship it would be impossible to ensure the unity of th6 people in ideology and will, display the superiority of collectivism that is inherent in socialism, and beat the untrodden path of communism. 
Strengthening party leadership means improving the standard of party work in keeping with the developing situation, while maintaining the revolutionary principle of the working class in the revolution and construction. If a party fails to see the developing situation and retains outdated theories and method, it will commit dogmatic and subjective mistakes; if it abandons the revolutionary Principle of the working class on the plea of a changed situation, it will make revisionist and reformist errors. 
The working-class party, which leads socialist construction, must concentrate every effort on strengthening and enhancing the roe of the subject of the revolution by improving party work. 
It is only when the subject of the revolution is strengthened and its role improved that we can succeed in harnessing nature and transforming society and also emerge victorious in the fight against the enemy. Needless to say, it is important in bringing out to the full the superiority of the socialist system to lay firm material and technical foundations for socialism and improve the method of managing the socialist economy. But it is more important to strengthen the subject of the revolution. It is people that develop the economy and technology and it is also people that manage the socialist system. Therefore, the superiority of the socialist system cannot be displayed unless the subject of the revolution is strengthened. 
Strengthening the subject of the revolution is also essential in preventing the theological and cultural infiltration of imperialism. The great leader has said that a man with a well-trained body will no fall ill even if he is attacked by disease. However violent the imperialists' desperate maneuvers may be, revisionism and reformism cannot raise their heads when the subject of the revolution is strong. 
We must always seek the key to victory in the revolution and construction in the subject, not in the objective conditions, and seek the basic method and means of promoting the revolution and construction in strengthening the subject and enhancing its role. 
The strengthening of the subject of the revolution must begin with the consolidation of the party, the core and leading force of the subject. 
When the party is sound ideologically, the masses can be sound in their ideology; when the party suffers from ideological malady, the masses also suffer from ideological sickness. It is only when the party is united that the masses can be united when it is divided, the masses will be divided. Therefore, primly attention must be paid to maintaining the purity of the party's revolutionary idea, improving steadily its ideological and theoretical levels and cementing its organizational and ideological unity and cohesion. 
In order to strengthen the subject of the reposition, it is also imperative to make the broad masses revolutionary and unite them closely around the party. 
The education of the people in the revolutionary ideology of the working class must be intensified in step with the improvement in their material and culled lives and in their cultural and technical standards, which rise with the progress of socialist construction. If not, a cavity might be created in their consciousness and bourgeois ideas can infiltrate. If this happens, People may lose confidence in socialism and communism and cease working for the revolution. 
Enhancing the role of the subject ceaselessly is of decisive significance in promoting the revolution and construction. 
The Party's unified leadership in all fields of the revolution and construction must be fully ensured, and on this basis the creative zeal and activeness of the masses must be brought out to the maximum in accordance with the revolutionary mass line. The construction of socialism and communism is an undertaking for the masses and of the masses, so the only way to promote socialist construction is to encourage them to work willingly and with devotion. Any attempt to seek a clever way, other than this, will end in clinging to the capitalist method that has nodding in common with socialism and will cause grave and irrevocable consequences to socialist construction. 
Our Party has been able to lead the revolution and construction to victory in the arduous and complicated circumstances that are unprecedented in history because it has consistently strengthened the subject of the revolution and enhanced its roe. 
Under the difficult situation in which the US imperialists, the chieftain of wound imperialism, have been occupying one half of our territory and perpetrating ceaseless aggressive maneuvers against our Republic, our people have been carrying out two tasks at the same teambuilding socialism independently, and thwarting the aggressive maneuvers of the imperialists in order to reunify the country. At present our people are fighting, bearing double and triple but hens on their shoulders. However, our Party has always stuck fast to the revolutionary stand with the condition that victory will be won, precisely because the subject of our revolution has been strengthened. 
On the basis of a scientific review of the historical experiences of the Koran and world revolutions, the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung further developed the Marxist-Leanest revolutionary theories in a creative way to suit the new situation, established the immortal Juche idea in his early years, and provided a contemporary guideline capable of leading the revolutionary movement in a steady upsurge. On the basis of the Juche-orientated fated principle of party building, he has strengthened our Party organizationally and ideologically; established unbreakable has between the Party and the masses in every possible way and steadily enhanced the Party's leadership role in all fields of the revolution and constructor. In this way he has been leading our revolution to brilliant victory. 
The great leader gave instructions that, in order to bulled socialism, the ideological fortress of communism must be conquered along with the material forts and that, to this end, the that revolution-ideological, technical and cultural-must be promoted on the principle of giving precedence to the work of transforming the people, the masters of society, along communist lines. In this way a correct way of continuing the revolution after the establishment of the socialist system and of achieving the cause of communism has been elucidated for the first time in history. 
Following the path indicated by the great leader, our Party has been building socialism successfully, without any deviation, and fully displaying the advantages of the socialist system. 
Holding high at all times the revolutionary banner of anti-imperialist struggle, our Party has been fighting resolutely against the imperialist moves of aggression and war and safeguarding the eastern Post of socialism with credit. 
The US imperialists lay stress on the strategic important of south Korea, which is situated near Japan, their biggest ally, and which occupies a strategic point on the Asian conned, and so have not only turned south Korea into their nuclear war base to bring military pressure to bear upon us, but also converted it into an economic and political base against socialism in collaborator with the Japanese imperialists and other reactionaries in the world and are maneuvering in every possible way to demons be the "supremacy" of capitalism on the Korean peninsula. Despite the deep maneuvers of US imperialism and its stooges, our republic has been advancing along the socialist road without the slightest vacillation. Encouraged by this, the south Korean people are fighting resolutely against the United Stats and for independence, against fascism and for democracy, thereby shading the colonial rule of US imperialism violently. The fact that our country, though small, is holding fast to its independence while building socialism successfully confronted by the allied force of imperialism is clear proof that socialism is in all ways superior to capitalism and has unconquerable vitality. 
Our era by no means suits imperialism; it is an era of historical change in which imperialism is on the brink of ruin and the people of the word are marching forward boldly along the road of socialism, the road of independence. 
The contemporary age requires that revolt; 1tionary people the world over should rise up as one in the struggle to inflict a derisive defeat on the doomed and desperate imperialists and create an independent new world. Opposing imperialism and defending independence is the common fighting task of the revolutionary people of the word today. 
The subject of the struggle for independence in each country is the people of that country, whereas the subject of the struggle to oppose imperialism and make the world independent consists of the socialist countries, the imitational communist movement, the national-liberation movement in colonies, the non-aligned movement, the world peace movement and other anti-imperialist, independent forces. 
The anti-imperialist, independent forces are incomparably stronger than the imperialist forces. What is important is whether the anti-imperialist, independent forces fight in unity or not. 
That unity is a decisive factor for victory in the revolution is an immutable truth. Particularly today, when the imperialists are aligned and allied in opposition to socialism and the progressive people of the world, it is essential for all the anti-imperialist, independent forces to fight in close unity. 
In strengthening the unity of the anti-imperialist, independent forces, it is particularly to strengthen the unity of the socialist countries and the imitational communist movement. The socialist countries and the Communist and Workers' Parties have the honorable tradition of having adhered to the revolutionary stand and fought in solid unity under the banner of proletarian internationalism. By carrying forward this tradition, all the socialist countries and Communist and Workers' Parties must hold fast to the anti-imperialist stand and unite rock-solid, based on the relations of comradeship, the relations of respecting and cooperating with each other against national egoism. 
Modern imperialism is not only the enemy of socialism but also the common enemy of all the progressive people of the word who advocate peace and independence. It is only when the People of socialist countries and all the other progressive People of the word who advocate peace and independence are solidly united that they can emerge victorious in the struggle for independence against imperialism. The progressive people of the word must smash every maneuver of the imperialists for division and alienation and unite fatly under the banner of independence against imperialism, regardless of ideology, system and religious belief 
There is no doubt that if all the anti-imperialist, independent forces in the world fight as one in fm unity, they will be able to destroy imperialism and create an independent, new word. 
Our Party will make every effort to strengthen solidarity with the anti-imperialist, independent forces of the world, particularly the socialist countries, the imitational communist movement and the non-aligned movement. The struggle of our people, who are advancing at the forefront of the struggle for independence against imperialism under the revolutionary banner of the Juche idea, is a source of great encouragement to the progressive people of the word in their Struggle for independence. We must take due pride in this. 
Revolutionaries must fight on resolutely, always remembering the lessons of history as well as being confident in the future. There still remain the imperialists who brutally massacred and plundered our people in the past and are now watching for a chance to coed further acts of aggression. In this situation it would be a grave mistake to assume that our struggle to create an independent, new life will be plain sailing. Just as today's happy, new, socialist life has been Provided for us through the arduous and bloody struggle of our revolutionary predecessors and patriotic People, so the complete victory of socialism and the eventual triumph of our revolution can be won only through our people's indomitable struggle against imperialism. 
Our Party has been enthused with a noble historic mission to lead our revolution to victory in the present complicated circumstances. 
All Party members and other working people must march forward dynamically along the road of socialism and communism, solidly united behind the great leader and the Party, under the unfired revolutionary banner of the anti-imperialist struggle. 
Greeting the 42nd anniversary of the foundation of our Party today, I would like to emphasize once again the matter of establishing the Juche outlook on the revolution among Party members and other working people. 
Ever since its foundation our Party has become steadily stronger and more developed by conducting a series of difficult and complex revolutionary campaigns, and has all along led our revolution to victory. It has developed into a revolutionary party, which now has unconquerable strength primarily because it has inherited the glorious traditions of the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle. The true revolutionaries during this struggle held the Juche outlook on the revolution. So they were able to fight resolutely for victory in the revolution without the slightest vacillation even in the most trying of circumstances, rallied solidly behind the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung and forming unbreakable ties with the popular masses. 
The revolutionary outlook of the anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters was not mere knowledge obtained from a book or in a study. It was an unshakable belief acquired while fighting a grim war to destroy the brutal enemy, under the guidance of the great leader who had blazed the trail of the revolution. A revolutionary outlook that has been shaped and consolidated into a belief throng Practical struggle in this manner can become an ingrained characteristic Peculiar to revolutionaries. 
Our revolution has made great headway, and many changes have taken place in the status of the revolutionaries and in their circumstances. Nevertheless, melding the revolutionary outlook a belief remains an impute matter for us. Our revolution has not yet been completed, and we shall have a long and rugged revolutionary path to tread. But our revolutionary veterans have gradually been decreasing in number, while a get many younger people who have not been trained during an arduous revolutionary struggle are joining the ranks of our revolution. If we are to overcome the trails and difficulties and achieve eventual victory in our revolution, we must equip all Party members and other wording people firmly with the Juche outlook on the revolution. 
The revolutionary outlook must be shaped to become one's belief rather than being taught as general knowledge. An ideology can only be firm when it has been acquired through a practical struggle because it is social consciousness that reflects one's desires and interests. An outlook on the revolution can be one's unshakable will when it has not only been understood theoretically, but also experienced in the course of one's life. 
The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung has said that people cannot be considered to have established a revolutionary outlook on the world until they realize their class positions and interests, fest hatred for the exploiting class, are ready to champion their class interests, and then embark upon the path of the revolution with a firm emendation and will to fight to destroy the society of exploiters and build a new society for the working masses. This is an outtalking idea, the first of its kind in history to explain scientifically the process of the formation of the revolutionary outlook on the word. 
I can see, however, that the work of our officials in teaching Party members and working people to establish their revolutionary outlook remains, on the Whole, at the stage of simply melding them understand. Due attention is not being paid to the matter of encouraging them to shape their outlook and make it their belief through a Practical struggle. Some officials seem to think that the matter of establishing the revolutionary outlook will be completely sealed if they compile statistics on the number of study sessions and public lectures that have been given and organize such things as competitions for reciting phrases. Even question-and-answer contests are conducted in such a way as to make the contestants learn Phrases by heart mechanically, instead of using methods of stimulating a large number of people to form a broad and deep understanding of the essence of the given question by drawing on their collative intelligence through argument. The purpose of imbuing Party members and working people with the revolutionary ideology is, in essence, to help them to participate in the revolutionary struggle with a high degree of willingness and with the attitude of masters, rather than to make them learn phrases by heart and show them off. Of course, it is necessary to go through the stage of cognition if one is to shape one's outlook on the revolution. But cognition is not an end in itself; it is significant only as a prerequisite for encoring people to participate enthusiastically in the revolution with revolutionary emendation and fishing spirit. We must not deal predatorily with the work of establishing the revolutionary outlook, but do it substantially in close combination with revolutionary practice so that this outlook can become an unshakable belief and will. 
The Juche outlook on the revolution is the Juche-orientated revolutionary concept and attitude that must be acquired by a master of the revolution. Establishing this outlook means acquiring a correct understanding of the essence of the revolution, its basic aim and the method of capping it out, and having a resolve and will to devote everything for the revolution, with a strong belief in their cause. 
The revolution is an understanding for providing independence for the masses; it is an undertaking that must be conducted by the masses themselves, the masters. The aim of the revolution is to realize the independence of the masses, and the basic method of carrying it out is to enhance their creative role under the leadership of the Party and the leader. Victory in the revolution depends, in the long run, on how the subject of the revolution, the integral whole of the leader, the party and the masses, is strengthened and how its roe is enhanced. In establishing the revolutionary outlook, it is necessary to have a clear understanding of the object of the revolution, but it is most important to have a correct concept of and attitude towards the subject of the revolution. 
Since the subject of the revolution is the integral whole of the leader, the party and the masses, shaping a correct outlook on the leader, the organization and the masses is a prerequisite for establishing an outlook on the reposition. In addition, the revolutionary moral outlook, which requires sharing life and death, weal and woe, on the basis of revolutionary ethics and comradeship, must fortify the Juche outlook on the revolution because the subject of the revolution is a socio-political organism, which has a common destiny. Just as the leader, the party and the masses constitute the subject of the revolution by funding a socio-political organism, so the outlooks on the leader, the organization, the masses and morals constitute an integral outlook on the revolution in an unbreakable relationship. Therefore, in order to establish an unshakable Juche outlook on the revolution it is essential to acquire the revolutionary outlooks on the leader, the organization, the masses and modals together. 
If one is to establish the Juche outlook on the revolution, one must, above all else, establish the revolutionary outlook on the leader. 
In doing dries, it is importance to have the correct understanding that the leader is the center of the life of the socio-political commonalty. 
The important of the leader's role of guidance has been emphasized a great deal in previous revolutionary theories. Needless to say, the leader plays an importance role as the center of leadership in shaping the destiny of the masses. But the leader must not be regarded simply as the man in high common. The importance of leadership has been recognized in every society and by every class, but no other class has ever given such high prominence to its leader as the center of the life of the socio-political community as the working class does. The relationship between the leader and the people must not be understood as a mere relationship between the man who leads and the men who are led. If the leader is viewed simply as a man with authority to command, and the people simply as being in duty bound to obey, their relationship will be no more than that of authority and duty and not that based on a love for comrades and on revolutionary ethics. Bourgeois democracy, which is based on an individualistic outlook on life, views the relationship between the man in command and his subordinates as that of authority and duty. From the point of view of bourgeois democracy, it is impossible to understand the revolutionary outlook on the leader. 
The essence of the leader in all contexts lies in his being the center of the life of the socio-political community. There is no doubt that the center of life is important for the existence and activities of the organism. Unless the masses are united, centering on the leader, they cannot acquire vitality as an independent socio-political community. 
We must understand and believe that the leader is the center of the life of the socio-political community and that it is only when we are linked to the leader organizationally, ideologically and as comrades that we can acquire immortal socio-political integrity. 
The anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters remained loyal to the leader through to the end because, while fighting decisive bates against the enemy, sharing life and death, weal and woe, united closely behind the leader, they formed a clear understanding, through actual experience, that the leader was the center of the life of our nation and that their destiny was inseparably linked to the leader. So the question arises of how we should, in today's circumstances, induce Party members and working people to acquire the life experience of the inseparable ties linking the leader and the people, just as the anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters experienced. Certainly, works of literature and art can provide them with secondhand experience of what the revolutionaries in those days experienced. In helping them to establish their outlook on the leader, it is necessary to produce and show them many works of literature and art that deal with the model anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters who were unfailingly loyal to the leader. It is fine to cultivate the outlook on the leader through such works, but it is always better to do it in close combination with actual revolutionary activities. 
The circumstances of the revolutionary struggle of the past and that of the present are different, but there is no difference between the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle and today's struggle in that the revolutionary struggle is conducted under the guidance of the leader and in accordance with his ideas and will. Conducting the revolutionary struggle under his leadership and in line with his ideology and will means fighting for the revolution by acquiring socio-political integrity from him. The more we are faithful to the leader's ideology and will, the closer our ties with the leader will be, the greater the value of our socio-political integrity will become, and the more worthy a life, which is beyond the imagination of those who lead an individualistic life, we shall enjoy. Only those who seek the worth of life in thinking and acting in accordance with the leader's ideas and will and in sharing life and death, weal and woe, with him can be called revolutionaries who have established an unshakable revolutionary outlook on the leader. We must realize that the greatest value and worth of life exist in faithfully implementing the revolutionary tasks set by the leader by trusting in him as a strong moral support at all times, and we must prove ourselves unheedingly loyal to the leader throng our revolutionary activities to implement his ideology and will. 
In order to establish the Juche outlook on the revolution, one must adopt a proper concept of and attitude towards the party. 
Generally staling, a working-class party reprisal's the vanguard detachment of the working class and other working people that are integrated organizationally and ideologically with the leader at their center. From this point of view, party leadership implies guidance by the leader, and the concept of and attitude towards the party are, in essence, identical to the concept of and attitude towards the leader. The leader is the leader of the party, so it is inconceivable to regard them as being in isolation from each other. 
However, the party and the leader cannot be fully indemnified with each other. The essential quality of the leader can be defined as being the center of the life of the socio-political community, whereas the essence of the party lies in being an organization which plays the role of the backbone in making the masses a socio-political organism centering on the leader. 
The party is an integration of its organizations with the leader at the center. The concept of and attitude towards the party comprise those towards both the leader and the party organization. Since the outlook on the leader has been considered an independent component of the outlook on the revolution, the concept of and attitude towards the party boil down to the concept of and attitude towards the party organization. For this very reason, in dealing with the components of the outlook on the revolution, we refer to them as the outlook on the leader and on the organization rather than as those on the leader and on the party. The outlook on the organization implies the concept of and attitude towards not only the party organization but also all the social and poetical organizations, which link the leader with the masses under the leadership of the party. The party organization differs from all other social and political organizations in that it is a political organization, which plays the role of the backbone of the socio-political community. 
Without the organization, a man cannot be linked inseparably to the leader, nor can he acquire immortal socio-political integrity. However knowledgeable and talented he may be, he cannot acquire the socio-political integrity provided by the leader unless he is linked to the leader through organizational channels. One's isolation from the organization means, in effect, losing one's socio-political integrity. Therefore, a true revolutionary regards the organization as being more valuable than his own life and respects it; he considers it to be an inviolable rule to live and fight at all times relying on the organization. 
Formerly, the value of the organization was emphasized mainly in connection with the need for unity. Needless to say, the revolution requires organizational unity. Unity gives us great strength to cap out the revolutionary struggle. In this sense we can say that the strength of the organization is, in effect, the strength of unity and that unity is the source of strength for revolutionaries and guarantees their victory. 
In order to have a deep understanding of the value of the organization, one must consider it in relation to one's own socio-political integrity. Only through the party organization, the parent body, can the popular masses be integrated into an independent socio-political organism and become the real mastery of their own destiny. We must value and respect the Party organization as the parent body of our integrity. We refer to the leader as the fatherly leader and to the Party as the motherly Party because the Party organization with the leader at its center is the parent body of our socio-political integrity. 
If we are to establish a revolutionary outlook on the organization among Party members and other working people, we must help them not only to understand the value of the organization theatrically but also to experience it fully through their life in an organization. All Party members and other working people must hold the organization dearer than their own lives and acquire the habit of relying on the organization at all times and living and working under its guidance and control. 
Party life is political life in the course of which Party members meet the requirements of their political integrity. Our political life is, in essence, an organizational and ideological life to keep our Position as the master of the state and society and to discharge our responsibility and play our role as such. Through their Party life, Party members enjoy a most valuable and worthwhile life as masters of the revolution. 
Party life can be classified into Party organizational life and Party ideological life' Party organizational life is political activity for Party members, in their specified Party organizations, to implement the revolutionary tasks assigned them by the Party under the direction and control of their organizations. The masters of a Party organization are the Party members themselves. They must take pan, like masters, in the work of strengthening the Party organization and, in the course of this, temper their Party loyalty steadily and cultivate the habit of acting, as a member of the Party organization, in accordance with the will and discipline of the organization at all times. 
Party ideological life is police life in which the Party members receive intellectual sustenance to keep their political integrity and digest and absorb it. It is only when they are armed with the ideology of the Party and the leader that they can become welded into the Party ideologically and maintain their police integrity as Party members. Just as a man eats food to maintain his physical life, so a Party member must, through his ideological life, continue to make the revolutionary ideas of the Party and the leaden his lifeblood. Only then can he share the destiny with the Party through thick and thin. 
Party life must be conducted in close combination with the fulfillment of revolutionary assignments. A man who fulfils his revolutionary tasks faithfully is a man who leads a good Part life and who is faithful to the Party and the leader. 
In guiding the Party life of the members, some Party officials are currently paying primary attention to matter relating to how the members observe organizational discipline, how they study, and so on, but they are little concerned about how they fulfill their basic revolutionary duties. These teals have an unmistaken view that the Party members' performance of their basic revolutionary assignments is a business routine to which administrative and economic officials a1one must pay attention. In consequence, the Party life of the members is not geared towards improving how they carry out their basic revolutionary assignments and even obstructs the implementation of these tasks. That is why I have long emphasized the need to link the Party life of the members closely to the pleasance of their revolutionary duties. 
When told to coordinate the Party life of the members and the fulfillment of their basic revolutionary duties closely, some Party officials take administrative and economic abhors upon them as if it were proper to do so. This funs counter to our Party's principles in guiding Party life. 
Party officials must give substantial guidance to the Party life of the members so that every member values his organization and faithfully carries out the Party's revolutionary assignments. 
In order to establish the node outlook on the revolution we must have a correct concept of and attitude towards the popular masses. 
As the great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung has said, the popular masses are the masters of the revolution and construction and they are also the motive force of the revolution and construction. The revolutionary outlook on the masses is the concept and attitude of regarding the masses as the masters of the revolution and serving them, and of carrying out the revolution by believing in and relying on their inexhaustible strength. 
If we are to establish the revolutionary outlook on the masses, we must regard the popular masses as the maters of the revolution. 
Of course, the party is in the position of leadership in relation to the masses. But this does not mean that the party is something that has been placed over the masses. The party is the guiding, hard-core force of the masses themselves. That a party could exist, separated from the masses, is unthinkable. 
By the party leading the masses we do not mean that the party imposes its subjective will upon the masses but that, based on a scientific insight into their desires and interests, it sets correct fighting targets and leads the masses to attain them. The party is in; duty bound to guide the struggle of the masses to meet their desires and interests. It must serve them by foaming nods duty satisfactorily' The party cannot have spot interests to those of the masses, and the supreme principle governing party activities is to fight in the interest of the masses. 
Since the party is the advance detachment of the masses it will not be able to serve them in good hah if it tails behind them. The party must help and lead the masses so that they acquire a correct understanding of their genuine interests and strive to meet them. The party's leadership of the masses means serving their genuine interests. 
If officials lack the understanding that the masses are the masters of the revolution, they will look down upon the masses, shout at them, wield Party authority and behave bureaucratically by regarding themselves as special beings that stand over the masses. If one looks down upon the masses one naturally thinks of oneself as a special being. This attitude is an ideological hangover of the milling class of the old society, which exploited and oppressed the working masses. Officials must acquire the firm belief that the popular masses are the masters of the revolution and must understand clearly that serving the people is most honorable and worthwhile. 
In order to acquire the firm belief that the popular masses are the masters of the revolution, it is necessary no only to understand these clearly in theory, but also to make it an iron rule to worth for the revolution believing in the strength of the masses and relying on it. And make it a part of one's daily routine to mix with the masses and share joy and sorrow with them. 
You can say that you have established the revolutionary outlook on the masses when you are resolved to serve the masses, receding them as the masters of the prevention, and then make it a part of your daily routine to work for the revolution believing in the strength of the masses and relying on it. Victory in the revolution depends on how you enlist the creative wisdom of the masses and their efforts. An individual, however wise and able he may be, can assibilate only a very limited part of the human wisdom and soon that have been accumulated down through the ages. The popular masses alone fully embody all foe social wealth that missed has accumulated historically and have the erective ability to shape techs own dashy by harnessing nature and transforming society and people themselves. Therefore, the masses are the only people who can undertake the revolution and promote the forward movement of society. In capping out the reposition there can be no other alternative than to rely on the Effie of the masses. A man who does no believe in their strength is a person who does not believe in his own Strength. He is not qualified to be a revolutionary. Lack of confidence in the strength of the masses results in worshipping great powers, in depending on foreign forces and in falling into pessimism and defeatism. 
No matter how great the strength of the masses may be, they do no display it of techs own accord. It is only when the masses are awakened to dialogical consciousness and united organizationally that they can display their strength to the full, The strength of the awakened and organized masses is incomparably greater than the arithmetical sum total of the indents' strength and is Pevely deferrals from it. The unconquered vitality of the revolutionary method of work evoked by the great leaden lies in enabling us to sole ail problems by refrying on the Strength of the masses, believing in it and enlisting their creative ability to the maximum. 
On its own, the method of stimulating the interest of individuals is not enough to give full scope to techs bereave teatime and develop. Only a man who is aware that the interests of the collective are more valuable than those of the indicial can struggle for the revolution, displaying a high deign of native and devotion. 
In the reposition the destiny of an indicial is inseparably linked to the dashy of the collective; the interests of the collective and those of indicial exist in unity. To all intents and purposes, however, the revolution is for the good of the masses, the collective, not for any individual. It is only when an individual is a member of the collective that he can become the master of the revolution and play the role of master. Revolutionaries can only shape their own destiny to their great credit when they devote themselves to struggling in the interests of the collective. 
Our party's mass line is excellent in that it no only provides the popular masses with democrat feeding and equality but also encourages them to occupy the position of masters and play the role of masters in the revolution and construction. The popular masses must not rest content simply because they are equal masters of society, but fulfill their duties and Play their role as masters of the revolution and constructor. To this end, they must be united organizationally and ideologically under the leadership of the party and fight in accordance with a sound strategy and techs. The mass line must be combined with party leadership. Without party leadership it is impossible for the masses to display their might as masters of the revolution and consummation; also, without relying on the masses it is impossible for the party to lead the revolution and construction. This is the very reason why combining unitary Party leadership and its mass line construes the fundamental principle in the activates of our Party. 
Our officials talk a great deal about the Part's mass line, but they have not yet completely overcome bureaucrat, and are unable to give rein to the masses' revelatory enthusiasm and creative ability as they should, because they have failed to acquire a sound revolutionary outlook on the masses and the Party's revolutionary work method which is the application of the mass line. As a result, they lack confidence in implementing Party policy, and there are even instances of pinning their hopes on an individualistic, pragmatic method which is alien to our Party's revolutionary work method. We must put great effort into encouraging our officials to acquire a sound revolutionary outlook on the masses and our Party's revolutionary work method. 
If the revolutionary outlooks on the leader, the organization and the masses are to be accepted as a belief, based on rev6lutionmp conscience, they must be molded with the revolutionary outlook on moats. 
Morality is the social stashes of behavior, which are supposed to be observed willingly according to one's conscience, not high coercion or control. The revolutionary outlook on morays is the concept of and attitude towards the standings of people's behavior based on revolutionary conscience. Revolutionary conscience is a social consciousness that places the life of the socio-police comment above that of an individual and regards the interests of the party, the people and the revolution as more precious than those of an individual. Revolutionaries feel a sense of pride when they have acted in the interests of the revolution. They feel remorse when they have hand these intents, even though nobody may know about their misbehavior. 
Being loyal to the leader, the party and the masses is an inviolable duty of revolutionaries, a duty that is derived from the need to meet the fundamental interests of the reposition. Neglect of this duty is intolerable from the point of view of revolutionary discipline because it means, in the final analysis, betraying the revolution. Loyalty to the leader, the pap and the masses is also a moral obligation for revolutionaries because the relationship between the leader, the party and the massed socio-political organism with a common destiny-s based on a love for comrades and revolutionary ethics. Loyalty to the leader, the party and the masses must be gated by morality that is based on revolutionary conscience. Only then can it really be lasting and true. 
In the past, when our people, as the colonial slaves of the Japanese imperialists, were subjected to every manner of maltreatment and oppression, when even the spirit of the nation was on the brink of being extinguished, the great leader created the inamorato Juche idea, inspired in our people the spirit of national independence and led them in the sacred revolutionary struggle. The great leader Comrade Kim IL Sung is, indeed, the savior who revived our nation. He is the benevolent father who has provided our people with the most precious socio-political integrity as well as the happiest and most worthwhile life. To hold the fatherly leader in high esteem and to be loyal to him is a moral obligation for all Koreans. 
In our own lives we have keenly extended that to act in accordance with the leader's ideas and ambition is the most conscientious and moral behavior because the leader embodies the desires and interests of the popular masses at the highest level. That is why we call loyalty to the leader the highest expression of communist morality. 
We must hold the leader in high esteem not because Pressure is exerted on us or out of a sense of duty, but with willingness, respect the dignity of the Part organization, observe organizational discipline voluntarily, love the popular masses sincerely and serve them heart and soul. 
Revolutionary motility based on revolutionary ethics and comradeship must be embed in all fields of social activity as well as in loyalty to the leader, the Party and the masses. 
Originally, morally came into being as universal standards of behavior for all members of society to observe voluntarily. But as the interests of one class of people conflicted with those of another, morality came to act a class character and was at variance with the different classes. In a society of exploiters, universal morality, which transcends class interests, is inconceivable. 
In a socialist society, where the working masses are masters, morals assume a working-class character. However, the interests of the working class accord with those of the whole of society because the working class is striving to abolish the classes and build a classless society. The meds which reflect the interests of the working class are of universal relevance because they accord with the inter sets of all the people. 
Communalist morality, the morality of the working class, is the most refined and advanced modify in that it has inherited all the good elements of the meds of the preceding ages and in that it has evolved to suit the social character of man. Communist morality comprises universal shears of behavior that must be observed by everyone who advocates independence and creativity, the intrinsic social qualities of man. 
In a socialist society, which is the embodiment of the working-class ideology, the people are equal as masters of the state and society and are integrated into a socio-political egotism with a common destiny. The voluntary observance by people of communalist morality, which is based on revolutionary ethics and comradeship, is a Proper and natural Practice that conforms to the intrinsic requirements of the socialist system. 
The reason why communist morality is not yet being displayed to the full in socialist society can be explained mainly by the fact that there still exist some remnants of the old society. When the complete victory of socialism has been achieved and an advance is made towards the higher stage of communism in the future, the scope of social life controlled by power will gradually become narrower and the range of public life influenced by communist morality will grow wider. From this point of view, it can be said that the course of building socialism and communism is the Process in which the action of power in social life decreases gradually and the action of morality expands steadily. 
The working-class party must natal filly develops communist morality to the full and intensifies communist moral education in keeping with the law of social development. 
However, this education is not being conducted efficiently to meet the requirements of the developing situation. Our officials are conducting a great deal of such education in the context of cultivating loyalty to the revolution, but paying little attention to it in relation to everyday life. Education in communalist modality must center on cultivating loyalty to the Party and the revolution, but this alone is not enough to establish communist morality in all fields of social life nor is it capable of intensifying loyalty itself on a lasting moral basis. 
Communist morality can be classified into two categories. One is the morality that must be observed in the relations between the community and individuals and the other is the morality that must be kept in a personal relationship. 
The relationship between the community and individuals means the relationship between the leader, the party and the masses as a whole and individuals. 
Naturally, the popular masses constitute the community, and the leader as the center of the community and the party as its backbone also represents the community. Because public property, too, belongs to the community, we should consider the relationship between the communal property of the state and society and individuals as the relationship between the community and individuals. Further, the relationship between individuals and the country, which comprises all the people, property and territory, should also be regarded as the relationship between individuals and the community. 
The communality and the individuals who belong to it share one and the same destiny, so the principle of revolutionary ethics based on comradeship governs the relations between the communality and individuals. The collectivist principle "One for all and all for one!" is an expression of this communist moral relationship between the community and individuals. However, it does not mean that the interests of the community are identical to those of individuals. Evidently, the interests of the community are more valuable than those of individuals because individuals cannot live apart from the corn unity. In his relationship with the community, an individual should regard the interests of the community as more valuable than his own, and consider it a moral obligation to serve the community with devotion. 
The relationship between individuals within the socio-political communality is also gaveled by the principle of revolutionary ethics based on comradeship, but unlike the relationship between the community and individuals, it is an equal relationship. So there can be no question of the interests of one individual being more valuable than those of another. Within the community all its members must regard their moral duty to be to love and help each other on equal terms and in a comradely manner. 
As a matter of principle, comradely love presupposes that one regards another person as an independent being and recognizes his independence. Comradely love cannot exist between the detonator and the dominated. It can exist on1y between the members of a sociopolitical communality who share the same destiny. Therefore, it should find expression in mutual respect and selfless assistance. If one displays love for another as a means of satisfying one's greed, it cannot be considered genuine live for one's comrade. 
A personal relationship in the socio-political community, whose members share a conmen destiny, is a completely equal, independent relationship as well as a relationship of comradely love of helping each other with devotion. Communist morality, which reflects the requirements and interests of the socio-political community, must contribute to giving full rein to the independence of individuals and, at the same time, to strengthening the unity and solidarity of the community. Ceramist society, which is an excellent embodiment of this morality, is the roost just society, a society of the greatest harmony and unity, we1ded together by cognately love. 
The moral traits of a columnist that suit the characteristics of columnist society comprise, by and lye, two aspects. A man with columnist moral traits is, first of all, a most just man. A just man is fair, aboveboard and honest. He hates all the injustices that infringe upon man's dignity and rights and knows how to deal with all matters fairly, free from any prejudice and self-interest. He is also a most popular and devoted ran who holds people dear, loves them and knows how to serve them wholeheartedly. 
The great 1eader gave instructions that, since man is the most Precious being in the world, it is the most important moil trait of a columnist revolutionary to respect and love man. 
Some of our officials, however, have not yet acquired columnist moral qualities so that they still do not take loving care of the people with all their hearts and so that they even trample on the personal dignity of others and encroach upon their rights to independence. There are instances of abusing official authority with a view to bringing pressure to bear upon people, as well as attempts at seeking selfish ends at the expense of the interests of others. All these are remnants of the old society and cannot be tolerated in our society. Nevertheless, some officials do not take a serious view of these practices, and consider that they do not conflict with the fundamental interests of the revolution to any great extent. Those who ignore the personal dignity of people and do not love them cannot be faithful to the revolutionary cause of the popular masses. A man who deceives his comrades can deceive the party and the leader; a man who sacrifices others for his own sake can turn his back on the interests of the revolution. 
Communist modality, which everyone must observe, must be fully embodied in the relationship between comrades as well as in the lives of the fondly and the community. 
It is important to be true to revolutionary ethics in the relationship between comrades. 
The great leader has said that a comrade in the revolution is worth his weight in gold and that the revolution must begin by rallying comrades. 
Comrades in the revolution are dear comrades-in-antis and intimate brothers who, with common socio-political integrity, fight for the revolution, sharing life and death, good times and bad. A revolutionary feels happiest when he has found a true comrade and most unhappy when he has lost such a comrade. It can be regarded as an elementary moil quality of a revolutionary to take loving care of his comrades. Those who do not treasure and love their coin ads wholeheartedly and do not treat them honestly cannot be faithful to the Party and the revolution, either. Knowing whether or not one is able to observe revolutionary ethics in one's relationships with one's comrades in everyday life is the first process of ending and judging correctly one's faithfulness to the Party and revolution. 
Love between comrades must be warm, sincere and highly principled. A man who says he loves his comrade but connives at his comrade's error, instead of trying hard to help him to correct it, lacks sincere love for the comrade and is unfaithful to him. It is also wrong to treat one's comrade coldly and try only to find fault with him on the plea of observing one's principles. We must tract people farley on the principle of being loyal to the Party and leaden and, at the same time, love comrades intensely, trussing them and sharing joy and sorrow with them. 
Comradely love and revolutionary ethics must also permeate the relationship between superiors and subordinates. The relationship between them in our society is in no way a relationship between the dominator and the Donnelly; it is the relationship between comrades who are perforating their duties to the revolution in cooperation. The subordinate must respect and help his superior, regarding him as a precious corrode who persons a more important revolutionary duty than his own; the superior must take good care of his subordinates and lead them, displaying a higher sense of responsibility. 
The family in our society is the basic unit of life. A sound and happy family life helps to make social life as a whole cheerful and animated. 
The relationships between family members can be distinguished from other social relations in that they are based on ladyship. However, fondly relationships are pat of social relations, so they are gaveled by the moral principles common to the given society. We must respect the love of ladyship between husband and wife, between parents and children and among brothers and sisters and help it to become a true comradely love. 
Some people think that communist revolutionaries are inhuman people who care for nothing but the revolution, ignoring even their families. They are mistaken. It is the basic obligation of a man to love and respect his parents. A person who does not love his parents, spouse and children, who form the closest bonds of ladyship, cannot love his country and fellow people. 
This, however, does not imply that the love of kinship among family members should be regarded as absolute. Since socio-political insight is more valuable than physical life and since comradely relations are more important than ties of kinship, the love of kinship among fondly members should always be subordinated to comradely, love. While loving there belies intensely, revolutionaries must render them comradely assistance in every possible way so that they all work faithfully for the revolution. 
Observing morality in love between men and women is of great importance in ensuring sound family and social lives. The relations between the sexes should be developed on the basis of true love and become cognately relations in which the two people respect each other's personal dignity, trust each other and help each other sincerely. 
We must see that communist morality is observed voluntarily in community life. 
An important aspect of community life is labour. To work faithfully is a noble moral duty for a social man. Anyone who neglects social labour has no right to be the master of society and cannot lead a worthwhile life as a creative man. All the working people must like labour and work honestly with the attitude of being responsible to society for the results of their labour, whether they are seen or not. 
Every member of society must not only participate in labour faithfully but also value anything created through labour and take good care of it. Valuing the wealth created by labour and taking good care of it are an expression both of loyalty to the social community and of a proper attitude towards labour and workers. 
We must also pay close attention to ensuring that everyone is decorous and that a social climate is established of giving polite assistance to elderly people, children, mothers with babies, and the infirm and disabled. 
If one is to assimilate the Juche outlook on the revolution and make it one's unshakable conviction, it must become one's outlook on life. 
The outlook on life can, roughly, be classified into an individualist one and a collectivist one. The individualist outlook on life regards one's own personal comfort and pleasure as one's ultimate goal, whereas the collectivist outlook on life fuses one's destiny into that of the collective and finds the true worth and happiness of life in struggling for the good of the community. According to the individualist outlook on life, nothing is dearer than an individual's life and a human life ends with the death of the individual. However, as for the collectivist outlook on life, the life of the community is dearer than an individual's life and a human life does not end with the death of the individual but lasts forever with the community. 
We are conducting the revolution not only for our generation and ourselves but also for future generations, and further, for the future of mankind. If a man simply pursues his own comfort all his life, he will leave nothing to posterity. His life will be totally worthless and meaningless. If a man's life is to be worthwhile, he must contribute something to the communality, which will last, and leave something behind him. In former days the anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters fought unyieldingly, sleeping in the wind and rain, sometimes eating only grass roots and tree bark, not because they were unaware that a comfortable life was good, but because they knew that fighting for the country and their fellow people, thought they might live for only a short while, was an honorable and worthwhile way of life. 
Were it not for the previous generations, it would have been impossible for our generation to come into existence, and without ours the next generation would not come. It is our noble duty to build a happy future not only for our generation and ourselves but also for the generations to come. 
Human fates are interrelated. We must fight not only for our people but also for the prosperity of mankind. Just as we reject selfishness in individual relationships, so we must oppose national egoism. Revolutionaries must naturally be loyal to both their national and international duties to the revolution. 
Our people are now working hard to build socialism and reunify their divided country in direct conformation with US imperialism, the ringleader of the reactionary forces of the world, while safeguarding peace and the esteem post of socialism. Our struggle is the struggle for the good of our nation as well as a noble struggle for the security and prosperity of mainland. We are waging a hard-fought struggle, but it is so much the more honorable and worthwhile. History shows that the exploits of those who have devoted themselves to the struggle for the future of their people and mankind are lasting and that their great services are honored more and more with the passage of time. Living in the spirit of loyalty to one's own people and mankind is the way to remain most faithful to oneself We must hold the time belief that being loyal to the leader, the Party and the masses is the way to a most honorable life, and we must make these revolutionary outlook our outlook on life. 
The work of establishing the revolutionary outlook is an extremely important undertaking for strengthening the subject of the revolution and accomplishing the revolutionary cause of Juche down through the generations. 
We must conduct efficiently the work of establishing the revolutionary outlook and thus develop our Party members and working people into genuine communist revolutionaries who are firmly equipped with the Juche outlook on the revolution.